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vernment was ever informed, these arrange-
ments were satisfactory, and effectual for the
purposes with which they were made, until
about the beginning of last week, when obser-
vations were orally addressed to him by some
of the new members of the Executive Council,
which implied that they were discontented
with their actual position, and desirous of
some change in the direction of that com-
plete Responsible Government, which exists
when all the members of the Executive
Council belong to one party and are liable
to removal on party grounds. But it was
not until Saturday last, the 29th July, that
any precise intimation of the new desire of
Mr. Fitzgerald and his colleagues was con-
veyed to the Officer administering the Go-
vernment. On that day they were requested
to state their wishes precisely in writing.
On Tuesday, the 1st of August, they sent to
him the Memorandum (which not being dated
is marked A), which calls upon him to estab-
lish Responsible Government in the most
complete form, and instantly, or to expect
that the four gentlemen by whom the Me-
morandum is signed, will immediately re-
sign their seats in the Executive Council.
That document, he must confess, caused him
surprise as well as much regret. Though
the Ministerial arrangements of the
14th of June had then lasted about
eight weeks, he had never till about a week
before, and never at all in any precise manner,
been informed that there existed any such
difficulties and troubles as those described in
the memorandum; and least of all was he con-
scious that, as is stated in the memorandum,
the House of Representatives was disposed to
adopt that last resource of a representative
body when wronged by the Executive-that
of stopping the supplies. He alludes with re-
luctance to these alarming, not to say threat-
ening, passages in the memorandum, lest the
House should imagine that they may in some
degree have biassed his mind towards the con-
clusion that he ought not to comply with the
call made upon him. He assures the House
that they have had no such influence, but that
he refused (by his memorandum of the 1st of
August) to comply with that call, influenced
solely by the consideration that his duty as the
Administrator of a Government which has
written Constitutional rules for its guidance,
forbade him on Wednesday last, as it had
forbidden him nine weeks before, to think of
dismissing, without Her Majesty's consent, any
officer holding his appointment directly from
Her Majesty. The case of the Colonial Sec-
retary differed from that of the other officers,
inasmuch as that gentleman did not hold his
appointment directly from Her Majesty;
wherefore the administrator of the Govern-
ment, being most anxious to make every con-
cession to the new Ministers which he could
feel was not inconsistent with his sense of
right, was much pleased to find that a desire
on the part of Dr. Sinclair to aid in averting
any serious difference between the new minis-
ters and the head of the Government, had in-
duced that gentleman to tender the uncon-
ditional resignation of his office even before the
promised pension was secured to him by law.
In so far, the state of matters on the 2nd of
August was considerably improved in com-
parison with the arrangements made eight
weeks before: a step in advance towards the
complete establishment of Responsible Go-
vernment was actually taken: the office of
Colonial Secretary was laid open to be
filled by a Member of either Legislative
House. Nor was this the only concession
made to Mr. Fitzgerald and his col-
leagues. They were informed, that the
Attorney-General intended and was ready to
despatch to England the resignation of his
office. The Officer administering the Govern-
ment trusts that the House will mark these
facts. In all other respects matters were in
the same state when Mr. Fitzgerald and his
colleagues resigned their appointments, as
when they accepted them knowing exactly
the constitutional position and personal senti-
ments of the Officer administering the Govern-
ment. During the long interval they enjoyed
his unlimited confidence, and never offered to
him a suggestion which he did not readily
accept. Neither, during that interval, did he
ever think of exercising his authority inde-
pendently of their advice. In all respects, he
faithfully adhered to the original arrangement;
and now, when they depart from it by suddenly
asking him to set it at nought, he has but one
reply to make that his sense of duty and
honor absolutely forbids him to comply with
the request. He feels that he should be
wanting in candour towards the House if he
hesitated to state to them in the plainest terms
the settled conviction of his mind, that by
yielding at all on the point of duty, he should
deserve the censure of Her Majesty, and should
incur the disapprobation of the colonists of
New Zealand, for having degraded the
office, the honor of which has been accidentally
entrusted to his care.

At the same time, he is very desirous that
his difference with the late members of the
Executive Counsil should not grow into a dif-
ference with the House. He therefore requests
the attention of the House to certain facts
which seem to him to have an important
bearing on the question which the House will
have to determine. He begs of them to observe
that the Executive Government Bill, the
passage of which into law was, by the original
ministerial arrangement, announced to the
House on the 15th June, made a condition of
the retirement of the Attorney-General and
Colonial Treasurer when Her Majesty's assent
thereto should be obtained, has not passed, in
the House of Representatives, beyond the
stage of being read a second time; and that,
from the date of that proceeding-namely the
27th June, the measure appears to have re-
mained in a state of abeyance and oblivion. The
memorandum of Mr. Fitzgerald and his
colleagues, of the 1st August, speaks of a "fors