MEMORANDUM on the present condition of the North Island, as regards the relations of the two races inhabiting it, and on a possible solution of the existing difficulties.

Superintendent’s Office,
New Plymouth, 2nd May, 1863.

At the invitation of the Native Minister, I offer my views for the consideration of the Government.

My opinions as to the manner in which the natives have been affected by the past action of the Government and the probable results of a different course in the future are based on a personal knowledge of the native character, acquired during an intercourse with the natives extending over twenty years, and in the course of which I had dealings with all the tribes between the Waipa and Waikato on the North, and Wairarapa on the South.

The present conditions of the native race as regards their relations amongst themselves, is a very near approach to absolute anarchy, for although they have elected a King and imitate some of the forms of civilised governments there is no power adequate to ensure the execution of the orders either of the King or his officers.

The only circumstances in which the King shows any appearance of strength is that his name is a convenient symbol for opposition to the Queen’s authority, and in all attempts on our part to establish law and order amongst them from without.

I attribute this state of decided opposition to the Queen’s authority to a variety of causes, the principal are—

1. The love of complete independence and freedom from restraint inherent in all savage races and more especially in those of the highest natural endowments.

2. Jealousy of the increasing numbers and growing power of our race, greatly increased by a want of confidence in our ultimate good intentions towards them resulting from want of frankness and sincerity on the part of the Government.

3. The mixture of blandishment and ill-disguised fear with which they have usually been treated by the Government.

4. The fact that though professing to consider the natives as subjects of the Queen, little or no attempt has been made to enforce the law in cases where natives only were concerned, which has given the best and most intelligent of the natives good reason to consider that the Government would run no risk whatever to protect Her Majesty’s native subjects; and that if they wanted real Government, they must establish it for themselves.

5. The character of the new institutions which has been attempted to introduce, and which the natives regard as chiefly intended to bribe the greatest possible number of their leading men into quietness, until we shall have increased sufficiently to deal with them in other ways.

There are of course many differing lines of policy which might be adopted in the present position of affairs. Many persons believe that a war commenced for the purpose of punishing the tribes who have been in arms against the Queen, and of demonstrating at last and completely, our superior strength, even though it should lead to general hostilities throughout the North Island, and great losses of property, is the only possible way of establishing a firm Government, and that due notice having been given of our intentions beforehand, it would be right to confiscate from the tribes which should fight against us, territories of sufficient value to cover fully all the costs of the war.

It is not however my purpose to inquire whether the above opinions are correct or not, as neither the Colony nor the Mother Country is prepared to take upon itself voluntarily the responsibility of such a war.

Putting therefore such a course as this entirely out of the question, we may either continue something like the wavering and insecure line of policy hitherto adopted, conceding everything that is demanded to avoid war, and keeping up an empty pretence of authority, which we cannot or dare not enforce, or we may totally change this and dealing with the facts as they are, acknowledge the actual independence of the Maories beyond the limits of our settlements, and give them assistance in establishing institutions of real self-government.

An opportunity was given by the Home Government in framing the Constitution Act for carrying out a system of policy based on such a recognition of the real independence of the Maori, and had it been taken advantage of, I believe that they would by this time have made great progress towards a regular and efficient administration of law. When the Colony was divided into provinces, no province should have included within its limits portions of land in which the native title had not been extinguished, lands not alienated to the Crown should as far as possible have been brought under the operation of the 71st clause of the Constitution Act. The natives within the British Provinces should have had every facility given them for exercising the rights and privileges of British subjects, whilst those on the unalienated lands should have been encouraged to form themselves into native provinces, a revenue being placed at the disposal of each native province in proportion to its inhabitants and to the Customs revenue derived from the native population.

What was not done then should I think be attempted now in a modified form although the circumstances are in many ways far less favourable for the trial.

The greatest obstacle, an obstacle so great that it will be difficult to obtain even consideration for any new proposal, is the rooted distrust to the Government which has taken possession of the minds of the Maories, and has been manifested of late in various ways. The only hope that I can see of removing or lessening this distrust, is by