2nd. Two short Bills giving Town Boards to Invercargill and Port Chalmers, similar to that of Dunedin.

3rd. "Provincial Council Enlargement Bill," for giving a member to Invercargill, the same as enjoyed by Port Chalmers, and making other alterations.

4th. "Public Wharves Bill."

5th. "Town Roads and Streets Bill."

6th. "Road Claims Bill."

7th. "Maori Lodging Bill."

8th. "Appropriation Bill."

I cannot conclude, on what may be called a sort of official leave-taking of my connection with the Provincial Council of Otago, without craving your indulgence for one or two general remarks resulting from my experience. That experience stands upon the antecedents of a somewhat public life, followed by sixteen years' uninterrupted service in the cause of Otago; namely, four years at home, not as the principal, but in concert with the New Zealand Company, and in communicating between them and parties in Scotland on the subject of this settlement as projected by the Company; and twelve years in the Colony, having brought out, with plenary powers from the Company, the pioneers of the undertaking; and having continued to the present day, by the successive authority of the Company, the Crown, and the election of the settlers, as the official and responsible head of the business.

I have already expressed satisfaction, in which you must all participate, in respect of the position attained by this Settlement — now swelled into the dimensions of a Province, inferior to none in New Zealand as to surface and capability, and with the exception perhaps of our respected neighbour, the Canterbury, superior to all as to the foundation laid, and the absence of hindrances to progression. But still, it is a mighty task that is laid upon us, that of working out self-government — a task which has cost England the labours and vicissitudes of a thousand years. We are only of yesterday, but have all the advantage of England's experience, with a free Constitution thrown at once into our lap, and have, moreover, the advantage of a select population. Still, however, human nature is the same; fullness of bread, and brightness of earthly hope, work their own evils; and unless a Gospel ministry, and living Christians, every one with his brother, be found earnestly plying their efforts, our righteousness (which is the honour of a people) will fade away, and those who have come to bettered in their circumstances will be damaged in their souls, and their children will fare still worse, the tendency being strong to trifle with their education, owing to the value of every little pair of hands, or the wages they can earn. And I would here express my own conviction that unless a public interest be established in the great question of Education, as in America, and as in Scotland under the Lord Advocate’s Bill, the plant must fade and die away; and that any attempt to throw all the responsibility and cost upon the Government will be incompatible with the rights of parentage as called for in the cases referred to, and with the liberties of the subject cutting, moreover, at the very root of self-reliance and manly independence. Let the people and parentage have liberal aid in support of that which is their own work, but let nothing whatever be permitted to lead to the idea that it is other than their own proper work, which can only be rightly done by themselves.

In connection with the working out of our Constitution — the charter of Civil and Religious Liberty for ourselves and our posterity — every man ought to register and to make conscience of doing his duty. The tax upon his time is very small, and that tax being paid, he will have the reward within himself, and in the good of the community. And still more ought the class whose education and position at home qualified them for being looked up to, by the masses, not only to register, but at once to take their place and duties in the work. They may feel in common with their humble brethren the sacrifices it imposes, such as in their case, a yearly fortnight or so given to legislation, and occasional action as Magistrates; but still the necessary tax upon the time of all who engage in the work, be the particular part what it may, is but small. Leaving party strife and contentious oratory to those who have a taste for them (and they are useful in their own way), if other men, each in his own place and way, and to the best of his judgment, will simply do their duty, our Constitution will be honoured, and the solid interests of the community made sure.

I am of opinion that some change is called for in the Land Regulations, not by altering any of their principles, but simply to the effect that as lands are acquiring a position value owing to expenditure on improvements and immigration, and as the uniform price of 10s. per acre is inadequate to carry forward the expenditure with safety to the public credit, an increase may be made in the price in particular localities, as authorised by section 2 of the Waste Land Act, 1858, or if that Act should not be assented to at home, by the Governor’s assent to Provincial Regulations under the Act of 1854.

The Land Sales and Leases Ordinance and the Town Land Sales Ordinance have been converted into Regulations.